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CHAPTER II

1. Kung-sun Ch'âu asked Mencius, saying, 'Master,if you were to be appointed a high noble and the prime minister of Ch'î, so as to be able to carry your principles into practice, though you should thereupon raise the ruler to the headship of all the other princes,or even to the royal dignity, it would not be to be wondered at.—In such a position would your mind be perturbed or not?' Mencius replied, 'No. At forty, I attained to an unperturbed mind.'

2. Ch'âu said, 'Since it is so with you, my Master,you are far beyond Măng Păn.' 'The mere attainment,'said Mencius, 'is not difficult.

Literally, it is 'as if they were loosed from being turned upside down and suspended'.

CHAPTER 2. THAT MENCIUS HAD ATTAINED TO AN UNPERTURBED MIND; THAT THE MEANS BY WHICH HE HAD DONE SO WAS HIS KNOWLEDGE OF WORDS AND THE NOURISHMENT OF HIS PASSION-NATURE;AND THAT IN THIS HE WAS A FOLLOWER OF CONFUCIUS.

The chapter is divided into four parts:—the first,pars. 1-3, showing generally that there are various ways to attain an unperturbed mind; the second,pars. 9, 10, exposing the error of the way taken by the philosopher Kâo; the third, pars. 11-17,unfolding Mencius's own way; and the fourth, pars.18-28, showing that Mencius followed Confucius,and praising that Sage as the first of mortals. It is chiefly owing to what Mencius says in this chapter about the nourishment of the passion-nature, that a place has been accorded to him among the sages of China, or in immediate proximity to them. His views are substantially these:—Man's nature is composite; he possesses moral and intellectual powers(comprehended by Mencius under the term 心'heart','mind', interchanged with 志, 'the will'), and active powers (summed up under the term 气, and embracing generally the emotions, desires, appetites). The moral and intellectual powers ought to be supreme and govern, but there is a close connexion between them and the others which give effect to them. The active powers may not be stunted, for them the whole character will be feeble. But on the other hand, they must not be allowed to take the lead. They must get their tone from the mind, and the way to develop them in all their completences is to do good. Let them be vigorous, and the mind clear and pure, and we shall have the man, whom nothing external to himself can perturb,—Horace's justum et tenacem propositi virum.In brief, if we take thesanum corpus of the Roman adage, as not expressing the mere physicalbody, but the emotional and physical nature, what Mencius exhibits here, may be said to be 'mens sana in corporesano'.The attentive reader will, I think, find the above thoughts dispersed through this chapter, and be able to separate them from the irrelevant matter (that especially relating to Confucius), with which they are put forth.

1. 加, 'to add', and generally 'to confer upon', is here to be taken passively,—'If on you were conferred the dignity of,&c. 相, 4th tone.

The scholar Kâo had attained to an unperturbed mind at an earlier period of life than I did.'

3. Ch'âu asked, 'Is there any way to an unperturbed mind?' The answer was, 'Yes.

4. 'Pî-kung Yû had this way of nourishing his valour:—He did not flinch from any strokes at his body. He did not turn his eyes aside from any thrusts at them. He considered that the slightest push from any one was the same as if he were beaten before thecrowds in the market-place, and that what he would not receive from a common man in his loose large garments of hair, neither should he receive from a prince of ten thousand chariots. He viewed stabbing a prince of ten thousand chariots just as stabbing a fellow dressed in cloth of hair. He feared not any of all the princes. A bad word addressed to him he always returned.

5. 'Măng Shih-shê had this way of nourishing his valour:—He said, "I look upon not conquering and conquering in the same way.

乡相 are not to be separated by an or, as 霸王 must be;see on 公卿, Analects, IX. xv. Ch'âu's meaning is that, with so great an office and heavy a charge, the mind might well be perturbed:—would it be so with his master? With Mencius's reply, compare Confucius's account of himself, Analects, II. iv. 3.

2. Măng Păn was a celebrated bravo, who could pull the horn from an ox's head, and feared no man. Kâo is the same who gives the name to the 6th Book of Mencius. 是不难 is not to be understood so much with reference to the case of Măng Păn, as to the attainment of an unperturbed mind, without reference to the way of attaining to it.

3. 道 here=方法, 'way', or 'method'.

4. Pî-kung Yû was a bravo, belonging probably to Wei (卫), and connected with its ruling family. 不肤挠 (2nd tone), 不目逃, literally, 'not skin bend, not eye avoid'. The meaning is not that he had first been wounded in those parts, and still was indifferent to the pain, but that he would press forward, careless of all risks. 思covers down to 视. 一毫挫,= 'the least push',=disgrace. 市朝 (ch'âo, 2nd tone) are not to be separated, and made—'the market place or the court'. The latter character is used, because anciently the different parties in the markets were arranged in their respective ranks and places, as the officers in the court. But compare Analects, XIV. xxxviii. I.褐宽博=褐宽博之夫 (or 贱).

5. There is a difficulty with the 施 in 孟施舍, as this gentleman in the end of the paragraph simply calls himself 舍.

To measure the enemy and then advance; to calculate the chances of victory and then engage:—this is to stand in awe of the opposing force. How can I make certain of conquering? I can only rise superior to all fear."

6. 'Măng Shih-shê resembled the philosopher Tsăng.Pî-kung Yû resembled Tsze-hsiâ. I do not know to the valour of which of the two the superiority should be ascribed, but yet Măng Shih-shê attended to what was of the greater importance.

7. 'Formerly, the philosopher Tsăng said to Tszehsiang, "Do you love valour? I heard an account of great valour from the Master. It speaks thus:—'If, on self-examination, I find that I am not upright, shall I not be in fear even of a poor man in his loose garments of hair-cloth? If, on self-examination, I find that I am upright, I will go forward against thousands and tens of thousands.'"

Hence the 施 is taken like our 'h'm;'—Măng H'mshê. The use of  before the name, especially in the south of China, is analogous to this. Not withstanding the 所 in the first clause of this paragraph, we need not translate differently from the first clause of the preceding. 三军,—see Analects, VII. x. 2; used here simply for 'the enemy'.

6. 孰贤,—as in last chapter. Pî-kung Yû thought of others,—of conquering; Măng Shih-shê of himself,—of not being afraid. The basis of the reference to the two disciples is the commonly received idea of their several characters. Tsăng Shăn was reflective, and dealt with himself. Tsze-hsiâ was ambitious, and would not willingly be inferior to others.

7. Tsze-hsiang was a disciple of Tsăng. 缩,—properly, the straight seams, from the top to the edge,with which an ancient cap was made, metaphorically used for 'straight', 'upright'. 吾不惴焉=吾岂不惴, the interrogation being denoted by the tone of the voice.

8. 'Yet, what Măng She-shay maintained, being his merelyphysical energy, was after all inferior to what the philosopher Tsăng maintained, which was indeed of the most importance.'

9. Kung-sun Ch'ău said, 'May I venture to ask an explanation from you, Master, of how you maintain an unperturbed mind, and how the philosopher Kaou does the same?' Mencius answered,'Kaou says,—"What is not attained in words is not to be sought for in the mind; what produces dissatisfaction in the mind,is not to be helped by passion-effort." This last,—when there is unrest in the mind, not to seek for relief from passion-effort, may be conceded. But not to seek in the mind for what is not attained in words cannot be conceded. The will is the leader of the passionnature.The passionnature pervades and animates the body. The will is first and chief, and the passionnature is subordinate to it. Therefore I say,— Maintain firm the will, and do no violence to the passion-nature.'

Still the 焉 is the final particle, and not the initial'how', with a different tone, as Julien supposes.

8. Here we first meet the character 气, so important in this chapter. Its different meanings may be seen in the dictionaries of Morrison and Medhurst. Originally it was the same as 气, 'cloudy vapor'. With the addition of 米, 'rice', or 火, 'fire', which was an old form, it should indicate 'steam of rice', or 'steam' generally.The sense in which Mencius uses it is indicated in the translation and in the preliminary note. That sense springs from its being used as correlate to 心, 'the mind', taken in connection with the idea of 'energy'inherent in it, from its composition. Thus it signifies the lower, but active, portion of man's constitution;and in this paragraph, that lower part in its lowest sense,—animal vigor or courage. Observe the force of the 又, referring to what had been coneeded to Shay in par. 6. I translate as if there were a comma or pause after the two 守.

9. Kaou's principle seems to have been this,—utter indifference to everything external, and entire passivity of mind. Modern writers are fond of saying that in his words is to be found the essence of Buddhism,—that the object of his attainment was the Buddhistic nirvana, and perhaps this helps us to a glimpse of his meaning.

10. Ch'â uobserved, 'Since you say—"The will is chief, and the passion-nature is subordinate," how do you also say, "Maintain firm the will, and do no violence to the passion-nature?"' Mencius replied,'When it is the will alone which is active, it moves the passion-nature. When it is the passion-nature alone which is active, it moves the will. For instance now, in the case of a man falling or running, that is from the passion-nature, and yet it moves the mind.'

11. 'I venture to ask,' said Ch'âu again, 'wherein you,Master, surpass Kâo.' Mencius told him, 'I understand words. I am skilful in nourishing my vast, flowing passion-nature.'

12. Ch'âu pursued, 'I venture to ask what you mean by your vast, flowing passion-nature!' The reply was,'It is difficult to describe it.

Commentators take sides on 不得於言, whether the'words' are Kâo's own words, or those of others. To me it is hardly doubtful that they must be taken as the words of others. Mencius's account of himself below, as 'knowing words', seems to require this. At the same time, a reference to Kâo's arguments with Mencius, in Bk. VI, where he changes the form of his assertions, without seeming to be aware of their refutation, gives some plausibility to the other view.Châo Ch'î understands the expression thus:—'If men's words are bad, I will not inquire about their hearts;if their hearts are bad, I will not inquire about their words!' The可is not an approval of Kâo's second proposition, but a concession of it simply as not so bad as his first. Mencius goes on to show wherein he considered it as defective. Form his language here,and in the next paragraph, we see that he uses 志 and心 synonymously. 气=体之充,—'the 气 is the filling up of the body'. 气might seem here to be little more than the 'breath', but that meaning would come altogether short of the term throughout the chapter.

10. Ch'âu did not understand what his master had said about the relation between the mind and the passion-nature, and as the latter was subordinate,would have had it disregarded altogether:—hence his question. Mencius shows that the passion-nature is really a part of our constitution, acts upon the mind,and is acted on by it, and my not be disregarded. 壹=专一. The 反 meets Châu's disregard of the passionnature, as not worth attending to.

11. The illustration here is not a very happy one,leading us to think of 气 in its merely material signification, as in the last paragraph. On 知言, see par.17. On 浩然之气 there is much vain babbling in the commentaries, to show how the 气 of heaven and earth is the 气 also of man.

13. 'This is the passion-nature:—It is exceedingly great, and exceedingly strong. Being nourished by rectitude, and sustaining no injury, it fills up all between heaven and earth.

14. 'This is the passion-nature:—It is the mate and assistant of righteousness and reason. Without it, man is in a state of starvation.

15. 'It is produced by the accumulation of righteous deeds; it is not to be obtained by incidental acts of righteousness. If the mind does not feel complacency in the conduct, the nature becomes starved. I therefore said, "Kâo has never understood righteousness,because he makes it something external."

16. 'There must be the constant practice of thisrighteousness, but without the object of therebynourishing the passion-nature. Let not the mind forget its work, but let there be no assisting the growth ofthat nature. Let us not be like the man of Sung. There was a man of Sung, who was grieved that his growing corn was not longer, and so he pulled it up.

Mencius, it seems to me, has before his mind the ideal of a perfect man, complete in all the parts of his constitution. It is this which gives its elevation to his language.

13. 以直养, —as in pars. 7, 15; 无害,—as in the latter part of par. 15. 塞 is here in the sense of 'to fill up', not 'to stop up'. still the 塞乎天地之间 is one of those heroic expressions, which fill the ear, but do not inform the mind.

14. A pause must be made after the 是, which refers to the 浩然之气. 馁 refers to 体, in 体之充, in par.9. It is better, however, in the translation, to supply 'man',than 'body'.

15. 袭, 'to take an enemy by surprise'; and 义袭= 'incidental acts of righteousness'. 馁 refers to the passion-nature itself. The analysis of conduct and feeling here is very good. Mencius's sentiment is just,'Tis conscience makes cowards of us all. On the latter sentence, see Bk. VI. v. et al.

16. I have given the meaning of the text—必有事焉,而勿正, 心勿忘, 勿助长 after Châo Ch'î, to whom ChûHsi also inclines. But for their help, we should hardly know what to make of it.

Having done this, he returned home, looking very stupid, and said to his people, "I am tired to-day. I have been helping the corn to grow long." His son ran to look at it, and found the corn all withered. There are few in the world, who do not deal with their passionnature, as if they were assisting the corn to grow long.Some indeed consider it of no benefit to them, and let it alone:—they do not weed their corn. They who assist it to grow long, pull out their corn. What theydo is not only of no benefit to the nature, but it also injures it.'

17. Kung-sun Ch'âu further asked, 'What do you mean by saying that you understand whatever words you hear?' Mencius replied, 'When words are onesided, I know how the mind of the speaker is clouded over. When words are extravagant, I know how themind is fallen and sunk. When words are all-depraved,I know how the mind has departed from principle.When words are evasive, I know how the mind is at its wit's end.

正 is taken in the sense of 预期, 'to do with anticipation of, or a view to, an ulterior object'. This meaning of the term is supported by an example from the 春秋传. 病= 'tired'.

17. Here, as sometimes before, we miss the preliminary 曰, noting a question by Mencius's interlocutor, and the same omission is frequently in all the rest of the chapter. I have supplied the lacunae after ChûHsi, who himself follows Lin Chih-ch'î (林之奇), a scholar, who died A.D. 1176. Châo Ch'îsometimes errs egregiously in the last part, through not distinguishing the speakers. With regard to the first ground of Mencius's superiority over Kâo,—his 'knowledge of words', as he is briefer than on the other, so he is still less satisfactory,—to my mind at least.

These evils growing in the mind, do injury to government, and, displayed in the government, are hurtful to the conduct of affairs. When a Sage shall again arise, he will certainly follow my words.'

18. On this Ch'âu observed, 'Tsâi Wo and Tsze-kung were skilful in speaking. Zan Niû, the disciple Min,and Yen Yüan, while their words were good, were distinguished for their virtuous conduct. Confucius united the qualities of the disciples in himself, butstill he said, "In the matter of speeches, I am not competent."—Then, Master, have you attained to be a Sage?'

19. Mencius said, 'Oh! what words are these?Formerly Tsze-kung asked Confucius, saying, "Master,are you a Sage?" Confucius answered him, "A Sage is what I cannot rise to. I learn without satiety, and teach without being tired." Tsze-kung said, "You learn without satiety:—that shows your wisdom. You teach without being tired:—that shows your benevolence. Benevolent and wise:—Master, you ARE a Sage."

Perhaps he means to say, that however great the dignity to which he might be raised, his knowledge of words, and ability in referring incorrect and injurious speeches to the mental defects from which they sprang, would keep him from being deluded, and preserve his mind unperturbed. One of the scholars Ch'âng uses this illustration:—'Mencius with his knowledge of words was like a man seated aloft on the dais, who can distinguish all the movements of the people below the hall, which he could not do, if it were necessary for him to descend and mingle with the crowd.'The concluding remark gives rise to the rest of the chapter, it seeming to Ch'âu that Mencius placed himself by it on the platform of sages.

18. Compare Analects, XI. ii. 2, to the enumeration in which of the excellences of several of Confucius's disciples there seems to be here a reference. There,however, it is said that Zan Niû, Min, and Yen Yüan were distinguished for 德行, and here we have the addition of 善言, which give a good deal of trouble.Some take 言 as a verb,—'were skilful to speak of virtuous conduct'. So the Tartar version, according to Julien. Sun Shih makes it a noun, as I do. The references to the disciples are quite inept. The point of Châu's inquiry lies in Confucius's remark, found nowhere else, and obscure enough. He thinks Mencius is taking more to himself than Confucius did. Châo Ch'î, however, takes 我于辞云云 as a remark of Mencius, but it is quite unnatural to do so. Observe the force of the 既,—you have come to be.

19. 恶, in 1st tone; an exclamation, not interrogative.This conversation with Tsze-kung is not found in the Analects.

Now, since Confucius would not allow himself to be regarded as a Sage, what words were those?'

20. Ch'âu said, 'Formerly, I once heard this:—Tszehsiâ, Tsze-yû, and Tsze-chang had each one member of the Sage. Zan Niû, the disciple Min, and Yen Yüan had all the members, but in small proportions. I venture to ask,—With which of these are you pleased to rank yourself?'

21. Mencius replied, 'Let us drop speaking about these, if you please.'

22. Ch'âu then asked, 'What do you say of Po-îand Î Yin?' 'Their ways were different from mine,'said Mencius. 'Not to serve a prince whom he did not esteem, nor command a people whom he did not approve; in a time of good government to take office, and on the occurrence of confusion to retire:—this was the way of Po-î. To say—"Whom may I not serve? My serving him makes him my ruler. What people may I not command? My commanding them makes them my people."

Compare Analects, VII. ii, xxvii, which latter chapter may possibly be another version of what Mencius says here.

20. 穷 is used with other verbs to give a deferential tone to what they say.

21. Compare Bk. I. Pt. II. xxi. Does Mencius here indicate that he thought himself superior to all the worthies referred to—even to Yen Yüan? Hardly so much as that; but that he could not be content with them for his model.

22. Po-î,—see Analects, V. xxii. Ȋ Yin,—see Analects, XII. xxii. 非其君, 非其民, —the emphatic his, i.e. as paraphrased in the translation. 何事非君何使非民=得君则事, 何所事而非我君, 得民则使, 何所使而非我民.

In a time of good government to take office, and when disorder prevailed, also to take office:—that was the way of Î Yin. When it was proper to go into office, then to go into it; when it was proper to keep retired from office, then to keep retired from it; when it was proper to continue in it long, then to continue in it long; when it was proper to withdraw from it quickly, then to withdraw quickly:— that was the wayof Confucius. These were all sages of antiquity, and I have not attained to do what they did. But what I wish to do is to learn to be like Confucius.'

23. Ch'âu said, 'Comparing Po-î and Î Yin with Confucius, are they to be placed in the same rank?'Mencius replied, 'No. Since there were living men until now, there never was another Confucius.'

24. Ch'âu said, 'Then, did they have any points of agreement with him?' The reply was,—'Yes. If they had been sovereigns over a hundred of territory,they would, all of them, have brought all the princes to attend in their court, and have obtained the throne.And none of them, in order to obtain the throne, would have committed one act of unrighteousness, or put to death one innocent person. In those things they agreed with him.'

I have given the meaning, but the conciseness of the text makes it difficult to a learner. The different ways of Po-î, Ȋ Yin, and Confucius are thus expressed:—'The principle of the first was purity—以清为其道; that of the second was office—以任为其道; that of the third was what the time required—以时为其道.'

23. The meaning of this paragraph is expressed rightly in the translation.

25. Ch'âu said, 'I venture to ask wherein he differed from them.' Mencius replied, 'Tsâi Wo, Tsze-kung, and Yû Zo had wisdom sufficient to know the sage. Evenhad they been ranking themselves low, they would not have demeaned themselves to flatter their favourite.

26. 'Now, Tsâi Wo said, "According to my view of our Master, he was far superior to Yâo and Shun."

27. 'Tsze-kung said, "By viewing the ceremonial ordinances of a prince, we know the character of his government. By hearing his music, we know thecharacter of his virtue. After the lapse of a hundred ages I can arrange, according to their merits, the kings of a hundred ages;—not one of them can escape me.From the birth of mankind till now, there has never been another like our Master."

28. 'Yû Zo said, "Is it only among men that it is so?There is the Ch'î-lin among quadrupeds, the Fănghwang among birds, the T'âi mountain among mounds and ant-hills, and rivers and seas among rain-pools.

If we understand 之 before the 于, then the idiom is like that of 之于, in Bk. I. Pt. I. iii. I.

25. 汙, —wû, or wâ,'low-lying water', used here simply for 'low', with reference to the wisdom of Tsâi Wo and Tsze-kung, in their own estimation. 阿 in the sense of 'partial',= 'to flatter'.

26. With this and the two next paragraphs, compare the eulogium of Confucius, in the Chung Yung, chaps.30-32, and Analects, XIX. xxiii-xxv. 凤凰,—see Analects, XI. ix.

28. The ch'î is probably the male, and the lin, the female of the animal referred to;—a monster, with a deer's body, an ox's tail, and a horse's feet, which appears to greet the birth of a sage, or the reign of a sage sovereign. Both in 麒麟 and 凤凰, the names of the male and female are put together, to indicate one individual of either sex.

Though different in degree, they are the same in kind.So the sages among mankind are also the same in kind.But they stand out from their fellows, and rise above the level, and from the birth of mankind till now, there never has been one so complete as Confucius."'